The ONS Domestic Abuse prevalence and victim characteristics publication (year ending March 2025) provides police-recorded data. Cumbria Constabulary covers both Cumberland and Westmorland and Furness; local police-recorded domestic abuse statistics are therefore available at Cumbria level. In Cumbria in April 2024 to March 2025 there were 6,417 domestic abuse related crimes, 17.3% of all crimes, similar to the regional proportion at 17.7%. This data is not available split by gender.

Table 8, Table 9 and Figure 29 present gender-patterns of police-recorded domestic abuse-related crimes. This data is only available nationally.

Table 8 shows that victims of domestic abuse-related crimes are predominantly female (72.1%), and this is most pronounced for sexual offences (90.0%).

Table 8: Proportion of domestic abuse-related crimes recorded by the police by sex of victim, selected offence groups, April 2024 to March 2025, nationally.

Table 9 demonstrates that the context in which sexual offences occur differs markedly by gender. For women aged 16 years and over, rape is predominantly a domestic abuse-related crime. Over half (53.2%) of recorded rapes of adult women occur in a domestic context, meaning they are linked to intimate partners or family members. In contrast, sexual assault (excluding rape) against women is far more likely to occur outside domestic settings (85.6% non-domestic).

For men, the pattern is structurally different. A relative minority of 13.7% of rapes of adult men and 12.5% of sexual assaults against men are recorded as domestic abuse related. The vast majority of male sexual victimisation occurs in non-domestic contexts (over 85% across both rape and sexual assault).

These patterns suggest three important distinctions:

• domestic abuse is a defining feature of female rape victimisation. Sexual violence against women is linked to intimate partner violence and coercive control
• male sexual victimisation is distributed differently. While male domestic sexual abuse certainly exists, the data suggests it represents a minority of recorded cases. Male victims are more likely to experience sexual assault in non-domestic contexts, including acquaintance, peer, institutional or public settings
• non-domestic contexts dominate sexual assault (non-rape) offences for both sexes

Table 9: Number of rape and sexual assault offences recorded by the police by sex of victim, April 2024 to March 2025.

These structural differences have important implications for prevention and service design. Interventions addressing violence against women must continue to focus on coercive control, partner abuse and safeguarding within relationships. At the same time, prevention of sexual violence against men requires attention to institutional, peer and community contexts, including stigma and barriers to disclosure.

Figure 29 shows the proportion of sexual offences which were recorded as domestic abuse related by age group and gender. Age patterns further illustrate the gendered nature of domestic sexual violence. Among women, the proportion of sexual offences recorded as domestic abuse-related increases from adolescence into early adulthood, peaking at over 40% in the 30 to 44 age range before gradually declining in later life. This period corresponds to peak partnering and child-raising years, reinforcing the link between domestic sexual violence and intimate partner relationships.

For men, the domestic proportion is consistently lower and flatter, supporting the above indication that male sexual offences are less concentrated within domestic partnerships and more likely to occur outside intimate contexts across the life course.

These age-specific patterns highlight the importance of safeguarding within intimate relationships, particularly during early and mid-adulthood (under 16 data was not included in this dataset), and reinforce the need for prevention strategies that address coercive control and relationship dynamics alongside broader community-based sexual violence prevention.

Domestic homicide and severe harm

Homicide data illustrate starkly gendered patterns in lethal violence. Between year ending March 2022 and year ending March 2024, there were 1,831 homicide victims in England and Wales. Men accounted for 1,313 victims (72%) of all homicides; however, only a small proportion of male homicides were domestic (107 cases, under 10% of all male homicide victims). Women accounted for 518 victims (28%) of all homicides; in contrast to men, nearly half of female homicides were domestic in nature (245 cases), meaning women were far more likely than men to be killed in a domestic setting.

The Domestic Homicides and Suspected Victim Suicides 2020 to 2024 Report highlights the most severe consequences of domestic abuse. In 2023/24, there were 98 suspected victim suicides following domestic abuse, 80 intimate partner homicides, 39 adult family homicides and 11 child deaths. The majority of victims were females aged 25-54 years, and the majority of perpetrators were male and of the same age bracket.

Domestic abuse-related death reviews and local learning

Domestic abuse-related death reviews (DARDRs), also known as Domestic Homicide Reviews (DHRs), are statutory processes under the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004, undertaken following the death of a person aged 16 or over resulting from violence, abuse, neglect or suicide linked to domestic abuse. There are 20 DARDRs currently open and under review in Cumberland Council; all of which should be considered as preventable deaths of individuals. At the time of writing, there were ten published Cumberland DARDRs, detailing the deaths of nine women and one man. There are a further sixteen ongoing DARDRs at various stages, all of which relate to female victims, and in 14 of these cases the alleged perpetrator is male.

Common themes identified across the Cumberland DARDRs include:

• a history of involvement with the criminal justice system
• misuse of alcohol and other substances, including methadone and novel psychoactive substances
• previous incidents of domestic abuse or violence
• missed opportunities for professional curiosity across services
• concerns raised by social housing providers
• removal of children into care

These local findings closely mirror national learning. National reviews of DHRs and DARDRs show that vulnerability is common among both victims and perpetrators. Around 70% of victims and 77% of perpetrators had at least one identified vulnerability, most frequently mental ill-health, problem alcohol use and illicit drug use. Forty per cent of perpetrators were known to mental health services and nearly one-third were managed by probation. Aggravating factors such as coercive control, financial abuse, stalking and digital abuse were present in the majority of cases, particularly among victims who died by suicide.

Participants also raised concerns about the invisibility of male victims of domestic abuse, reporting experiences of dismissal or minimisation by services, which may increase isolation and elevate suicide risk. Qualitative findings from The Big Question survey further highlight community concern about domestic abuse in Cumberland. Respondents described a reluctance to confront domestic abuse, noting that emotional neglect and harsh language were demonstrated by parents in front of children, normalising these behaviours and passing the patterns down generationally. The interviews also highlighted the invisibility of male domestic abuse victims as a cause for concern, with reports of services minimising or dismissing male victims, increasing isolation and heightening risk of suicide.

National and local evidence demonstrates that domestic abuse is not an isolated phenomenon, nor solely a matter of individual behaviour. Childhood abuse is associated with perpetrating abuse as an adult, and perpetrators often go on to repeat patterns with new partners (Huecker et al., 2025). Females who witness domestic violence are more likely to be in abusive relationships as victims in adulthood.

From a public health perspective, preventing domestic abuse requires earlier identification of risk, improved coordination across mental health, substance misuse, housing and justice services, and approaches that address the upstream drivers of harm while maintaining clear safeguarding and accountability.

In the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW), “victimisation” refers to a child reporting that they have experienced one or more crimes in the previous year. For children aged 10 to 15, this includes violence against the person (with or without injury), theft, criminal damage and other personal crimes, whether or not these were reported to the police. It captures children’s direct experiences of crime and harm, rather than exposure to domestic abuse between adults.

National Crime Survey data show that boys aged 10–15 are more likely than girls to have experienced victimisation in the year prior to the survey (14.5% compared with 9.1%). Disabled children are also at increased risk (14.1% compared with 11.7% among non-disabled children). Rates peak at key transitional points in schooling, including the end of primary school (Year 6) and at the end of secondary school (Year 11), suggesting heightened vulnerability during periods of social and developmental transition.

These findings are important in the context of this report. While women are disproportionately affected by domestic and sexual violence in adulthood, boys are more likely to experience general victimisation during childhood. This reflects different exposure patterns across the life course and reinforces the need for age- and gender-responsive prevention strategies.

Childhood adversity and intergenerational harm

Parenting capacity as defined by Conley is “the ability to parent in a ‘good enough’ manner long term” (Conley, 2003). Parental capacity is shaped not only by parenting skills, but by parents’ physical and mental health, economic security and ability to engage consistently with children. Men’s health and wellbeing therefore play a critical role in shaping father–child relationships and wider family functioning.

Children’s development and life chances are shaped by both individual parenting behaviours, and the wider conditions within which families operate (source: UCL Institute of Health Equity). Men’s physical and mental health, economic stability and ability to engage consistently in family life play a critical role in shaping these conditions. Where men experience poor health, insecure employment, substance misuse or involvement with the justice system, the effects often extend beyond the individual, altering household environments in ways that increase risk for children.

Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) provide a framework for understanding these pathways. Exposure to domestic abuse, parental mental ill-health, substance misuse, family conflict or parental absence are all recognised ACEs and are associated with increased risk of poor mental health, substance misuse, bullying and school belonging, involvement with the justice system and an increased risk of multi-morbidity, continuing to increase with higher numbers of ACEs experienced (Gu et al., 2022; Hughes et al., 2025; Senaratne et al., 2024). Figure 30 shows the occurrence of ACEs in children placed into secure estates for welfare reason. By definition, there is an extremely high prevalence of ACEs, including neglect, abuse, parental loss, parent mental illness and bereavement.

Exposure to domestic abuse, parental mental ill-health, substance misuse, family conflict or parental absence are all recognised ACEs. As outlined in Chapter 2, Cumberland has higher-than-average levels of several adult risk factors associated with ACEs, including substance misuse, suicide and justice contact, indicating increased population-level vulnerability for children.

Children learn how to understand and respond to stress by observing adult behaviour. Where coping is characterised by emotional suppression, anger, withdrawal or substance use, these responses may be normalised and reproduced across generations. Evidence demonstrates significant links between high levels of father involvement and more adaptive emotional regulation(Puglisi et al., 2024). Research from Public Health Wales and Bangor University, studying Welsh male prisoners, found that paternal ACE exposure increased risk of children experiencing multiple ACEs and recommended the need for interventions to break intergenerational continuity of ACEs, supporting both incarcerated individuals and their families (Ford et al., 2024).

Improving men’s health and wellbeing has important knock-on impacts to child health and wellbeing. Addressing upstream drivers of male distress has the potential to improve family environments, reduce childhood adversity and interrupt intergenerational cycles of harm. This reinforces the need for early, gender-aware and family-focused approaches that support men as parents and caregivers.

Community safety and emerging crime in Cumbria

Crime and community safety are a key part of “family and relationship wellbeing” because they shape fear, trauma exposure, neighbourhood cohesion and the lived experience of place. They also represent an important wider impact of the upstream drivers described throughout this report, including alcohol and drug harm, distress, exclusion and disrupted identity pathways.

Cumberland has consistently higher rates of overall crime compared with the North West region (source: Cumbria Observatory) Figure 31. However, this is not consistent for all crime types (Figure 32). Cumberland has lower levels of antisocial behaviour, vehicle crime and robbery rates that the region, and equal rates of burglaries, theft and theft from the person. Where Cumberland has higher rates of crime is most markedly violence and sexual offences (Figure 33) (the most common crime committed in Cumberland), public order offences, possession of weapons, and criminal damage and arson, followed by shoplifting, bicycle theft and drug offences.

Violence against the person accounts for almost 17,000 recorded offences across Cumbria (2022 to 2023), with rates highest in Carlisle and Furness. These two localities account for over half of hospital admissions due to violence in the county.

Alcohol is a significant driver of harm. Alcohol-related crime accounts for one in seven offences in Cumberland (14.7%). Patterns of heavy drinking, particularly when combined with economic strain and social norms around masculinity, increase risk of both self-harm and violence.

While rates for drug related offences (trafficking and possession) are lower than the regional and national average, they are increasing. Drug-related deaths in Cumbria are approximately double the national average.

Economic pressures are also reflected in crime trends. Shoplifting and residential burglary have increased in line with inflation, with rates in Carlisle exceeding regional and national levels. Fraud has risen by 11.5% since 2020 to 2021.

The multi-agency, proactive and collaborative approach by Local Focus Hubs across Cumbria has also contributed to a reduction in antisocial behaviour in recent years. Although antisocial behaviour has reduced locally (-28.2% across Cumbria), it remains one of the top concerns for residents, alongside fear of burglary. Perception of safety influences community cohesion and wellbeing, shaping how people live and engage within neighbourhoods.

Geographical concentration of crime and harm

Crime within Cumberland is not evenly distributed (Figure 37). Analysis from the Crime and Community Safety Strategic Assessment shows clear geographical clustering of harm, closely aligned with deprivation.

In 2023, across Cumberland, 36 Lower Super Output Areas (LSOAs) fell within the 20% most deprived nationally. Crime rates are highest within the Carlisle locality area. Within Cumberland, the wards identified as least safe, including Castle, Currock, Moss Bay and Moorclose, and Kells and Sandwith, together contain one third of all of Cumberland’s most deprived LSOAs.

The community panel areas with the highest crime rates, Petteril, Carlisle West and Workington Together, account for nearly three fifths (58%) of all Cumberland’s most deprived neighbourhoods.

This pattern reinforces the well-established relationship between deprivation and crime. Exposure to violence, antisocial behaviour and domestic abuse is spatially concentrated, meaning that some communities experience cumulative disadvantage: economic strain, poorer health outcomes, and higher exposure to crime.

For a report focused on men’s health, this matters. Many of the same areas facing higher crime rates also experience higher unemployment, substance misuse, poorer mental health and justice involvement. Improving men’s wellbeing in these communities is therefore both an individual health intervention and a place-based strategy to reduce violence and narrow inequalities.

Crime in Cumberland is not solely a justice issue; it is a population health issue. Patterns of violent crime, domestic abuse, alcohol-related offending and sexual offences are closely intertwined with the upstream drivers explored throughout this report: economic insecurity, mental ill-health, substance misuse, trauma and social isolation. Where male distress manifests in harmful coping, aggression or disengagement, the impacts extend beyond the individual to partners, children and neighbourhoods.

The burden of crime is experienced directly by victims through injury, fear and trauma, and indirectly through its effects on communities. High-crime environments shape perceptions of safety, restrict the use of public space, increase pressure on policing and emergency care, and generate sustained demand across mental health, substance misuse, housing and safeguarding services. Concentrated crime in areas of deprivation compounds existing inequalities, reinforcing cycles of disadvantage.

Addressing men’s mental health, substance misuse and economic exclusion is therefore relevant not only to men’s individual outcomes, but to community safety and family wellbeing. Strengthening early support, improving access to help before crisis, and challenging harmful norms that contribute to violence are central components of prevention.

Chapter summary

The evidence in this chapter reinforces a clear message: men’s health is inseparable from the wellbeing of women, children and communities. Women are disproportionately affected by domestic and sexual violence. Children experience harm both directly, through victimisation, and indirectly, through exposure to instability, conflict and trauma. Crime patterns further shape the lived experience of place, particularly in deprived neighbourhoods.

Improving men’s health, particularly mental wellbeing, substance use support, economic inclusion and access to early intervention, must therefore be aligned with safeguarding, tackling violence against women and girls (VAWG), and community safety priorities. Strengthening upstream prevention in men is key to fewer individuals and families experiencing harm downstream.